GrГ¶Гџte Stadien Der Welt Hauptnavigation
Die Liste der größten Stadien der Welt nennt alle heute existierenden Stadien weltweit, die mindestens Sitzplätze haben und genutzt werden. Dies wird. Die Liste der größten Fußballstadien nennt alle Fußballstadien weltweit, die mehr als Sitzplätze haben und für Fußball genutzt werden. Es werden. Von historischen Größen wie dem Maracana Stadion in Rio de Janeiro, Brasilien, dem Wembley Stadion in London oder dem Aztekenstadion In Mexiko bis hin. Welche Arenen besonders faszinieren, zeigt Travelcircus im Ranking der schönsten Fußballstadien der Welt. Platz 1: National Stadium, Peking (China). Anlässlich. Die skurrilsten Stadien der Welt: Asuncion, Luton Town, Rijeka. 1 | Share. Tweet. E-Mail. Die skurrilsten Stadien der Welt - Bildquelle: imago sportfotodienst.
Und wir starten unsere Weltreise nicht nur mit irgendeinem Stadion in England, sondern mit dem ältesten Fußballstadion der Welt – dem Sandygate Road in. Groß, größer, am größten!Der FC Barcelona plant einen gigantischen Stadionumbau: Das Camp Nou soll bald Zuschauern Platz. Es ist schwierig, nachzuprГјfen, dass irgendwo in der Welt noch etwas so Auf der Abfahrt aus Simferopol wird sich die grГ¶Гџte und prГ¤chtige Art auf das der Trasse Simferopol вЂ“ Aluschta, die Unterbrechung hebt sich "das Stadion") in.
Alle Symptome besserten sich, nur der trockene Husten blieb. Er bekam eine Gabe Calc. C am Am Mit diesen beiden Leitsymptomen und weiteren in der Gesamtheit verschrieb ich Causticum C Der Junge erholte sich in der folgenden Woche bis zum Der Zustand besserte sich.
Ich wiederholte Causticum C am Ruhr mit Schleim, Fieber und Koliken traten am Murthy gab ihm eine Dosis Aloe C30 und wiederholte diese am Das Fieber sank, der Schleim blieb.
Causticum C wurde am 3. Die Behandlung war beendet. Nach 10 Monaten bekam er etwas trockenen Husten begleitet von leichtem Schielen.
Causticum C und 1M zeigten keine Wirkung. Die Symptome seiner Schwester Ratna Burma waren wie folgt: 1. Rasseln in der Brust Schleim , das sich nach Erbrechen besserte.
Schlechter Appetit. Ramachandrarao eine Gabe Pulsatilla D6, worauf sich nur das Fieber besserte. Ich wiederholte Psorinum C am Die Flecken blieben.
Nach einer weiteren Gabe Psorinum C am Ich bin erst 29 Jahre alt. Zu diesem Zweck folgende Behandlung: 1. Es gibt je nach dem Ort, an dem sie in Erscheinung treten, verschiedene Hernienarten: z.
Meist verschwindet sie im Liegen oder durch Druck mit der Hand. Dann muss schnell operiert werden, weil sonst das eingeklemmte Gewebe wegen mangelnder Durchblutung absterben kann.
Was niemand geglaubt hatte: die Alchemisten hatten Recht! Gemeint ist eine sogenannte Transmutation, also die Umwandlung eines chemisch stabilen Elements in ein anderes instabile, radioaktive Elemente zerfallen im Laufe von Jahrhunderten oder Jahrtausenden von selbst und verwandeln sich dadurch in ein anderes Element.
David Schein das Ergebnis seiner Doktorarbeit. Mehr noch: Bei dem von Dr. Aufgrund des hohen Ansehens, das Paracelsus im Jahrhundert genossen hat, hatten sich die von ihm hochgelobten Antimon-Heilmittel rasch verbreitet.
Schon Mitte des Jahrhundert v. Jahrhundert n. III, S. Dann wird das Ganze zu einem Glas geschmolzen.
Scheins Aufbereitung der Fall war. Stattdessen handele es sich um komplexe organische Verbindungen, die bisher noch nicht genauer untersucht worden sind.
Sie entstehen vermutlich aus unbekannten Reaktionen des Essigs und Alkohols, die ja beide organischen Ursprungs sind, mit dem Antimon als eine Art Katalysator.
Es muss daher eine Transmutation des Elements stattgefunden haben. Was Dr. Schein offenbar nicht wusste: Auch heute werden derartige Tinkturen aus Antimon als Heilmittel hergestellt.
Bereits Anfang des Zudem wirkt es sowohl bei Krankheiten, die durch Bakterien hervorgerufen werden, als auch bei Viruserkrankungen. Ekkirala Krishnamacharya Dr.
Er hatte es sich zur Aufgabe gemacht, zum wachsenden Bewusstsein und zur spirituellen Vereinigung von Ost und West beizutragen. Besonderheiten, von denen Studierende meistens nur verwirrt werden, wurden weggelassen.
Wir glauben, dass diese Lernmethode den Studierenden den richtigen Weg weist, um die Arzneimittel und die Arzneimittelbilder zu verstehen.
Krishnamacharya zusammengestellt. Ein solches Mittel ist das potenzierte Calcium carbonicum. Die typischen Calcarea Patienten sind schwammig, fett und pummelig.
Calcarea carb. Calcarea kann auch den eitrigen Zustand eines Abszesses heilen. In der kalten Jahreszeit, die auf den Sommer folgt, leidet er mehr.
Nach jeder Anstrengung hat er Kopfschmerzen oder Fieber. Auch der Kreislauf des Calcarea Patienten ist schwach, und von jeder Aufregung bekommt er Herzklopfen.
Ruhelosigkeit und Herzklopfen. Beschwerden, die nach emotionaler Unausgeglichenheit, Unruhe und Aufregung auftreten, halten einige Tage und sogar Wochen an.
Der Patient ist nicht in der Lage, sein Denken auf etwas zu konzentrieren, und dessen ist er sich bewusst. Deshalb glaubt er, geisteskrank zu werden.
Dies ist die Besonderheit dieses Medikaments. Mit solchen Gedanken im Kopf schaut er sie misstrauisch an. Sogar unbedeutende Kleinigkeiten beunruhigen ihn, und er kann diese Gedanken nicht loslassen.
Er spricht mit sich selbst und mit erdachten Personen. Er hat Halluzinationen mit schrecklichen Bildern.
Eine derartige mentale Belastung bringt eine hysterische Frau dazu, schreiend umherzulaufen. Entweder magert er rasch ab oder er wird fettleibig.
Sein oberes Abdomen ist schwer. Kinder erbrechen Milch, und sie kommt sauer aus dem Magen. Wenn die oben genannten mentalen und allgemeinen Beschreibungen zutreffen, heilt dieses Medikament auch alle speziellen, individuellen Symptome.
Daher behandeln wir an dieser Stelle keine speziellen Symptome. Sie schaffen es kaum, ein paar Seiten zu lesen. Ein Calcarea-Patient begreift schwer und liest immer wieder dieselben Lektionen.
Seine bildliche Vorstellungskraft ist nur schwach, und er hat falsche Vorstellungen von seinem Denken. Bedeutungslose Kleinigkeiten lassen ihn Tag und Nacht nicht schlafen.
Sein Denken ist ruhig, wenn er in Gesellschaft ist, aber es ist ruhelos, sobald er allein ist. Monotonie macht sich breit.
Dieses Verfahren ist unter dem Namen Ubtan bekannt. Nach der indischen Volksmedizin beseitigt das Auftragen der Ubtan-Paste Probleme, die durch Unausgewogenheit des Schleims verursacht wurden.
Durch Auftragen der Ubtan-Paste auf das Gesicht werden die Kiefern- und Wangenmuskeln entspannt, und man bekommt einen gesunden, klaren Teint.
Parvathi Kumar Dr. Er hielt mehr als Seminare auf drei Kontinenten. Parvathi Kumar um verschiedene soziale Wohlfahrtsprojekte.
Der Mensch inkarniert mit einer bestimmten Absicht, die man den Willen der Seele nennt. Dieser Wille legt das Sein und das Tun fest.
Der Wille des Menschen wirkt als Bewusstsein. Menschen sind eigenbewusst, aber nicht die Tiere. Jahrhundert schickte der dänische König Boote nach Norwegen, um dort Austern ernten zu lassen.
Austern enthalten Zink und sind zudem reich an anderen wichtigen Spurenelementen wie Kupfer und Eisen. Norwegischer Hering wird häufig das Silber des Meeres genannt.
Er ist auf der ganzen Welt für seine hohe Qualität und schöne, silbrige Farbe bekannt. Geschichtlich ist der Hering nicht nur als Nahrungsmittel von Bedeutung, denn mit ihm ist auch das Leben an der Küste, die traditionelle Fischerei sowie Handwerk und Wissen um die besten Zutaten untre.
Geschmacklich erinnert die Jakobsmuschel an Schalentiere, mit einem Hauch vom offenen Meer. Das macht diese Muschel zu einem unwiderstehlichen Leckerbissen, der roh, leicht gedämpft, gebraten oder gratiniert gegessen werden kann.
Um Ihre Gäste wirklich zu beeindrucken, sollten sie das Fleisch der Muscheln stets in ihren dekorativen Schalen serviere.
Das Fleisch ist himmlisch, subtil im Geschmack und zart in der Textur. Kaisergranat wird bei der Zubereitung von Gerichten auf der ganzen Welt verwendet, kann aber auch lediglich mit Zitrone und Mayonnaise serviert werden.
Es kann frisch, gesalzen oder getrocknet zubereitet werden und eignet sich für eine Vielzahl von Rezepten, die traditionell auch für den Dorsch verwendet werden.
Der Rogen des Lengs gilt in Spanien als Delikatesse. Die Lodde enthält marine OmegaFettsäuren und ist sehr proteinreich.
Der Name "Lodde" kommt aus dem Norwegischen. Der Lumb gehört zur Familie der Dorschfische, unterscheidet sich von seinen Verwandten aber durch die lange, durchgehende Rückenflosse.
Aufgrund seines milden, hummerähnlichen Geschmacks eignet er sich beispielsweise sehr gut für Pfannen- bzw. Zu dieser Jahreszeit hat sie nämlich einen hohen Fettgehalt und ist dadurch besonders saftig, schmackhaft und gesund.
Miesmuscheln sind eine proteinreiche Delikatesse und entlang der gesamten norwegischen Küste zu finden. Sie lassen sich einfach und auf vielerlei Arten zubereiten — als Vorspeise, Hauptgericht oder als Zutat für gemischte Fischgerichte.
Die Miesmuschelzucht gehört zu den umwelt- und ressourcenfreundlichsten Formen der Lebensmittelproduktion, und si.
Meist wird er als Beifang in der Fischerei anderer Arten gefangen. Seine Nahrung besteht aus Fischen und Krustentieren. Generell kann er auf dieselbe Weise zubereitet werden wie Kabeljau und Schellfisch.
Rochenflügel sind eine kostengünstige und leckere Mahlzeit, die sich schnell garen lässt und am besten auf dem Knochen serviert wird.
Sie sollten gegessen werden, solange sie noch sehr frisch sind. Der Rotbarsch ist ein Tiefseefisch mit einer auffallend rötlichen Färbung.
Rotbarsche sind im Unterschied zu anderen Salzwasserfischen lebendgebärend. Die Scholle ist eine Familie der Plattfische.
Anders als der Heilbutt hat sie ihre Augen auf der rechten Seite. Der Seelachs ist ein meisterhafter Schwimmer und guter Sprinter, der sich in Bereichen mit starker Strömung am wohlsten fühlt.
Er eignet sich daher gut für die Zubereitung mit kräftigen Zutaten und Beilagen. Zehntausend Jahre alte Felszeichnungen aus Steinzeitsiedlungen entlang der norwegischen Küste zeugen davon, wie sehr die damaligen Menschen den Heilbutt verehrten.
Sie nannten ihn den "heiligen Fisch" oder auch den "Fischgott", da die Fischer glaubten, der Heilbutt sei eine Verkörperung des gütigen und weisen nordischen Gottes Balder.
Die Sprotte unterscheidet sich vom normalen Hering durch die spitzen Kielschuppen am Bauch — diese sind wahrscheinlich der Grund, weshalb die Schweden sie als "skarpsill" "scharfer Hering" bezeichnen.
Sie ist reich an Omega-3 und V. Der Seewolf lebt in Bodennähe, wo er auf seine Beute wartet und sie mit seinem kräftigen Kiefer aufknackt.
Wenn er selbst auf dem Teller landet, ist das Fleisch fest und hervorragend zum Braten geeignet. Es eignet sich sehr gut als Hauptgericht und kann pochiert, gedünstet, gegrillt oder gebraten werden.
Der Taschenkrebs besitzt ein festes Fleisch mit einem leckeren, frischen Geschmack. Saison ist hauptsächlich von August bis Oktober.
Die Gemeine Herzmuschel Norwegisch: hjerteskjell gilt als wenig genutzte Art; dabei sind die norwegischen Muscheln besonders gut, da sie wenig Sand und Steinchen enthalten.
Der Gefleckte Seewolf Norwegisch: flekksteinbit ist an seinen dunklen, graubraunen Flecken auf hellem Grund erkennbar. Aufgrund dieser Farbzeichnung wird er mitunter auch als Leopardfisch bezeichnet.
Der Seewolf ernährt sich von verschiedenen Bodentieren. Schalentiere und Stachelhäuter wie Seeigel und Seesterne gehören zu seinen Hauptnahrungsquel.
Die Echte Rotzunge Norwegisch: lomre ist nicht mit der kleineren, schollenähnlicheren Rotzunge Glyptocephalus cynoglossus, auch Hundszunge genannt zu verwechseln.
Das Maul ist klein mit runden Lippen. Der Fisch kann seine F. Die Gemeine Strandkrabbe Norwegisch: strandkrabbe ist in der Gezeitenzone norwegischer Gewässer die häufigste Krabbenart.
Die Strandkrabbe ist hinsichtlich ihrer Ernährungsgewohnheiten und körperlichen Eigenschaften sehr anpassungsfähig, und überlebt in vielen Umgebungen.
Meist wird er au naturel genossen, es gibt aber auch unzählige Möglichkeiten für dessen Verwendung in kalten und warmen Gerichten. Sein zoologischer Name lautet Molva molva.
Er schimmert metallisch. Seine Haut ist schuppenfrei. Die Lebenserwartung liegt bei etwa zwanzig Jahren.
Er bewegt sich bis zu eintausend Metern Tiefe. Hier findet der Raubfisch seine Beute, die aus anderen Fischen und Meeresbewohnern besteht.
Er erlegt auch Rochen und bezwingt manchmal sogar kleine Haie. Die Laichzeit dauert von April bis Juni.
Jeder Fisch legt dabei bis zu sechzig Millionen Eier. Diese treiben im freien Wasser in einer Tiefe von hundert bis zweihundert Metern. Die Jungfische leben die ersten drei Jahre am Meeresgrund.
Bei der industriellen Fischerei werden Schleppnetze eingesetzt. Er wird auch das Rindfleisch des Meeres genannt. Gut zu erkennen ist der Schellfisch an seiner, von den Kiemen bis zur Schwanzflosse reichenden, tiefschwarzen Seitenlinie Woher stammt der Schellfisch?
Die Bedeutung als Speisefisch. Schellfisch mit Estragon Der Schellfisch wird in der Nordsee gefangen und ist seit je in der deutschen und auch englischen Küche sehr geschätzt.
Rezept von: Joachim Kedgeree aus geräuchertem Schellfisch Kedgeree ist ein indisches Gericht, das vor allem in England sehr beliebt ist.
Schellfisch Schellfischfarce Schellfischfarce Schellfischfarce. Schon probiert? Eine wirkliche sehr schmackhafte und delikate Meeresfrüchte-Vorspeise ist Hummerbruschetta.
Tipps des Tages 1. Allergenhinweis Fisch. Tolle Seite :- werde nach angabe alles ausprobieren. Super erklärt.
Danke und perfekt gelungen…… Sehr geil erklärt super erklärt, werde es gleich mal ausprobieren. Nachhaltigkeit Jedes Jahr liefern norwegische und internationale Forschungsdaten die Grundlage für Empfehlungen zu nachhaltigem Fischfang im Nordostatlantik.
Nährwertangaben Schellfischfleisch ist mager und reich an: Proteinen: Diese sind wichtig für den Aufbau und Erhalt aller Zellen im Körper.
Königskrabbe Die Königskrabbe gilt als Delikatesse und ist besonders wegen ihrer Vielseitigkeit interessant. Schellfisch Der Schellfisch gehört zur Familie der Dorsche und hat ein feines, mageres Fleisch mit guter Bindefähigkeit.
Norwegische Garnelen Eismeergarnelen Norwegische Garnelen bevorzugen kaltes, sauberes Wasser, weshalb sie langsamer wachsen und später geschlechtsreif werden.
Atlantischer Lachs Zuchtlachs aus Norwegen ist ein gefragtes Produkt, das in mehr als Ländern gegessen wird. Fjordforelle Fjordforelle ist die Handelsbezeichnung für die in Norwegen gezüchtete Regenbogenforelle.
Jakobsmuschel Geschmacklich erinnert die Jakobsmuschel an Schalentiere, mit einem Hauch vom offenen Meer.
Gemeine Miesmuschel Miesmuscheln sind eine proteinreiche Delikatesse und entlang der gesamten norwegischen Küste zu finden. It was just the right mixture of professional and scientific guidance, interpersonal advice and encouragement.
Thank you very much for that! Many thanks go to Professor Schreier for her advices regarding data analysis and for valuable tips concerning my presentation to the proposal committee that was very helpful!
I am much obliged to Professor Feltes who hosted me as a visiting researcher at his department during the time of this work and gave me the opportunity to engage in several projects though this has certainly prolonged the duration of this thesis, the professional gain outweighs this without a doubt.
This work would never have been conducted without Dr. He trusted to employ me as a postgraduate but complete newcomer to crowd research but believed in my social and football-fan competences to be a research assistant and member of the Portugal research team.
This experience and the knowledge I gained was priceless and it has influenced me strongly, muito obrigada!
I have gained a lot from your knowledge, discussions we had and the work that I was and that I am doing for the Police Academy.
Dank je wel, ik heb heel veel geleerd van jou! And I hope that I was able to give evidence that a football fan can actually do professional crowd research.
These jobs have taken me to many places crowd events, conferences and seminars throughout Europe and I was given the opportunity to conduct the research necessary for this thesis.
Finally I want to give thanks to my friends and family for their love, friendship and support. This thesis is for Mika. Martina Schreiber 2 Declaration: I herewith declare that this thesis is my own work and that I have used only the sources listed.
Part of this thesis consists of papers submitted to scientific journals. Fan behaviour and police tactics around the World Cup match Germany vs.
Poland Dortmund, 14 June Crowds made the walls of Jericho fall though some believe it was an earthquake and the wall of Berlin.
Crowds can be raving violent and disarmingly peaceful. It was a raging mob that turned down the aristocracy in Paris. Crowds can unite in comfort and grief like the mourners of Princess Diana or in joyful celebrations as the World Cup visitors on the streets of Germany.
Despite their multiple facets, crowds yet have a rather negative reputation as something impulsive and unpredictable if not dangerous.
It may have been this controversy and apparent intangibility of crowds that encouraged and instigated crowd research, and likewise instigated the present work on crowd events.
More precisely, the present work is about the character and the effect of group relations at crowd events. Within recent years the model has gained increasing support for both the explanation of conflict and the absence of violence at crowd events.
Outcomes of this research have had a high impact on practical policing, in particular with regard to the policing of football games. However, the existing literature focused exclusively upon the policing and psychological reactions of England and Scotland fans.
Consequently, there was no empirical analysis of the cross cultural dimensions to the dynamics outlined within ESIM. More specifically there is a lack of evidence concerning the psychology, group processes and intergroup relationships with regard to groups from other nations.
This absence within the literature is made more acute given the extent to which the ESIM is currently informing updates to international guidelines for international police cooperation and pan1 The recommendations e.
The present thesis was designed to fill this gap. It presents four studies of crowd behaviour and group interaction at different tournaments in Europe: The first study presents an analysis of German fan psychology at the European Championships in Portugal.
The second paper examines the relations between police tactics and the psychology of different groups that attended the World Cup in Germany.
The third paper focuses on group relations between German and Polish fans and between fans and the police at the game of Germany versus Poland, also during the World Cup.
Finally one study examines German fan identity in relation to different contexts and follows the German fan category through three different tournaments: the European Championships in Portugal , the World Cup in Germany and the European Championships in Austria and Switzerland.
The outcomes of this research and its relation to the ESI-model are discussed in the respective paper and will be summarised in a later part of the dissertation.
The current text is designed to bring together the individual reports and to outline aspects of this research that exceed the structure of a scientific journal.
With regard to the object of research, a focus is put on the specific methods in which crowd research can be - and has been - carried out.
In order to place the model in the wider context of this research field, firstly a broad overview of the basic theories of crowd behaviour is presented and it is described how crowd research affected ways of public order policing.
This is followed by an outline of contemporaneous crowd research methods. From there the research that was carried out around this thesis will be presented.
Four separate studies had been submitted, which are included in this text. Each paper is preceded by a comment that presents aspects of the studies which seemed relevant for this thesis but have not been considered in the respective paper.
Finally the relation of the research to the ESI model will be discussed. However, these accounts drew a rather negative picture of the crowd.
The French sociologist 9 Gustave Le Bon similarly suggested that a transformation takes place in a crowd that deprives reasonable individuals of their common senses, so that they degrade to a barbaric evolutionary level.
The group mind approach has for years been very popular explanation for crowd behaviour and has inspired dictators and demagogues such as Hitler, Goebbels and Mussolini Reicher Individualistic theories Floyd Allport, the older brother of the famous Gordon Allport, rejected the idea of a group mind.
He explained the specific crowd situation as facilitating and intensifying emotional attitudes of individuals.
According to Allport, crowd behaviour is subject to the accumulation of persons with similar traits and therefore crowd disorder would result from a coming together of people with similar traits or criminal, violent or anti-social personalities.
This 'individualistic' account can also be found in contemporary approaches to crowd behaviour. Some researchers, for instance, attribute collective disorder to the convergence of individuals with certain personality traits or dispositions, e.
The theory borrows from Le Bon in that a negative impact of crowds is assumed that diminishes individual traits. However, there is only little or inconsistent evidence for the validity of the theory.
In a meta-analysis of 60 tests of deindividuation theory, Postmes and Spears found no sufficient support for this concept.
It suggests that in a group or crowd social identity becomes salient which also implies the salience of norms that relate to this identity.
Deindividuation in this respect means the replacement of individual identity by social identity so that people do not behave according to their personal identity but with regard to the norms of the respective social identity.
Crowd behaviour is seen as governed by collective norms which emerge during the crowd situation. Within this uncertainty and ambivalence people search for meaning and cues in order to define or create a new normative structure.
Persons that are more distinct in their behaviour may then provide a model for new collective norms that emerge within that situation.
However, despite its criticisms, the theory has provided a major step away from the irrationalist view of crowds and initiated further research activities on normative and interactional processes of and within crowds.
With its emphasis on group norms as guides for action in a crowd situation the model can also be regarded as a forerunner of the social identity approach to crowd behaviour.
The first step towards escalation is a refusal of communication and a mutual confrontational attitude.
Uniform appearance and open display of force e. Incomprehension or a lack of understanding constitutes the second step. This may be based on contradictory ideological beliefs and attitudes that may differ in such a way that confrontation is inherent in the situation as such.
Disturbed communication further results in biased perception and a lack of differentiation. The use of protective equipment by the police can be seen as a provocation, while it was just meant to be protection.
In such a phase it is more and more difficult for the police to make a realistic judgement on transgressions e. The third stage of escalation comprises symbolic and factual actions and tactics of provocation.
Once conflict escalates, the perception tightens. The other group becomes the opponent and the parties develop tactics in order to win the confrontation.
However, the police are legally restricted, as opposed to creative, legally ambiguous ways that can be used by the protesters.
Feelings of moral justification and collective power on the one side but of unfair treatment on the other lets the group develop into a cohesive unit in which conformity of group and opinion builds up and solidarity between the participants heightens.
Emotional contagion may take place as a result of attribution of physical reactions, which facilitates a new appraisal of the situation and the development of new norms regarding the attitude towards violence.
The police may react by enhancing the use of force. Protesters refrain from addressing their actual objectives and turn to confront the police.
There is a normative pressure to use violence. Scenarios like this burden further encounters between protesters and police with a mortgage.
Also barricades, confronting deployment and the spatial closeness to the opponent of the demonstration have a 12 catalysing effect on the escalation of the event.
The power relations between the groups, such as the relation between the amount of officers deployed and the number of demonstrators can influence the course of the event.
Media play an important and an active role in the course of an event. While the mere presence of a camera has an impact on the actual behaviour on the ground, media coverage that highlights certain aspects can have an impact on further events.
Differentiation is the first step toward de-escalation. Consequently, policing should be carried out differentiated and consistent and therefore be reliable and comprehensible for the other party.
A further step is to establish contact and to engage in negotiations with the other party. These actions can lead to a redefinition of interactive norms; in case of consisting tensions and conflict, normative pressure toward co-operation may be mediated by a third party, such as scientists, politicians or media with the aim to establish deals and agreements.
The creation of contact subsequently facilitates a further process of communication between the parties in which also rituals of behaviour may develop.
Idealistically, actions are discussed prior to the event, regular meetings between the parties take place and arrangements are made. However, communication also concerns internal and external PR work in order to inform colleagues and participants as well as the public.
If a stage of co-operation is reached, the relations between the parties are characterised by continuing contact, agreements and joint actions.
The analysis of a public order event comprises seven different levels c. Compatible prescriptions of actions are suggested to reinforce potential confrontation.
The contextual level refers to active communication processes between protesters and the police that may impinge on tension, resentment and mistrust between these groups, for example rumours, warnings or threats.
The interactional level eventually deals with the direct relations between the groups. The model has been applied to the analysis of different public order events in Europe, Australia, North and South America and Asia e.
Baker, ; Lo Shiu-hing, ; cited in Waddington, However, the approach has been subjected to substantial criticisms. David Waddington has acknowledged the validity of certain objections but he sees the need in the model to allow for variations in the nature of incidents or events and for delays between the trigger and the start of the conflict.
Furthermore he suggests that there may be several flashpoints, which may ignite in different intensities Waddington, Adang systematically observed more than public order events in the Netherlands between May and September , of which 60 football matches and 77 protests were put to further analysis.
In both contexts similar patterns emerged: The actual violent acts were only committed by a very small proportion of the persons present even when the situation was 2 The methodological approach is described in more detail in the chapter on crowd research.
The observed violence rather concerned the throwing of missiles and aggressive acts against objects than direct physical confrontation of persons that could fight back.
The targets of violent acts did not seem to be random but associated with the specific aspects of the event.
Furthermore the study revealed that in approximately half of the violent incidents a direct trigger for the start of violence was not obvious.
Concluding from these results, Adang suggests two types for the initiation of violence: On the one hand there is violence that can be ascribed to a clearly identifiable cause, such as frictions between people, for example when a person spills his beer or there are crushes at the entrance.
On the other hand Adang identified a form of spontaneous violence that was mostly committed by young males and is directed at rival groups, such as other young males or the police.
The further escalation of violence is connected with two aspects: Firstly with cognitive bounded rationality processes of decision making and cost-benefit analyses.
The observational data revealed that individuals seemed to avoid unnecessary risks or tried to reduce risk.
They rather operated in groups or fled from situations they seemed unable to win. On the other hand, violence was observed more often when people disguised themselves so that they would not be accountable for their actions.
Police measures can have an effect on this; in particular collective interventions can lead to more explicit ingroup-versus-outgroup behaviour and to more individuals behaving violently.
In this respect Adang relates to changes of social identity that may occur as a result of intergroup interaction, as it is proposed by the ESIM.
Social identity is the central concept of the model and it is seen as the key to understanding crowd behaviour.
Social identities are multiple. Or, as Tajfel ; p. Selfcategorisation refers to the process in which we define ourselves in terms of such category membership if we understand ourselves as a football fan or a mother taking over norms and have a certain understanding of what is appropriate as a member of that category.
In contrast to a general suggestibility of crowd participants Le Bon, , the ESIM suggests that only those can be influential that comply with the category norms and who are most similar to the category prototype.
Or, who differentiate most from the out-group. Different field studies provided support for this approach.
His findings revealed that there were patterns and clear limits to crowd action: Attacks were geographically limited and only directed at police or financial institutions.
Crowd participants described themselves and others in terms of ingroup and outgroup membership and there was a match between crowd action destroying symbols of luxury and the self-definition of the crowd members belonging to an oppressed and exploited group.
These findings suggest that crowd actions - although they may be destructive - are rather meaningful reflections of social identities than irrational or uncontrolled behaviour.
However, the studies also revealed that crowd events can lead to a change of identity, in the sense that the engagement in crowd action led to new confidence in resisting outgroup action.
These results point to the question if, as the findings suggest, crowd action is determined by social identity, how can crowd action then instigate social change i.
This makes it possible that while collective action and crowd behaviour is driven by social identity, this identity can fundamentally change by the way in which the intergroup relationships are affected.
Demonstrators that saw themselves as legitimate non-violent protesters engaged in a sit down protest because they were hindered by the police to follow a specific demonstration route.
The police though understood this behaviour as posing a threat to public order and intervened against the group using indiscriminate coercive force.
In the course of this incident the demonstrators redefined the attitudes that they held of the police so that conflict and resistance was now understood as legitimate behaviour.
This resistance again confirmed the view of the police that the crowd was uniformly hostile and led to an escalation of violence on both sides.
Recently, Neville and Reicher presented a study on the relationships between connectedness, emotional intensity, and future participation in different social contexts.
Their findings revealed significant correlations between connectedness in a sense that others are a source of support and warmth and emotional intensity and suggest that emotional intensity may have a mediating role between the strength of social identity and the likelihood of future participation.
Crowd research and public order policing From the ESIM emerge implications for public order policing.
If crowd events are intergroup encounters and one of the participants is the police, and if the groups influence each other, then the police have a major role within this scenario and the way in which the police act must have a huge impact on the behaviour of the crowd.
Scholars of public order policing similarly supported the view that crowd behaviour is seen to result from ongoing interaction processes between the participating groups e.
This approach brought about increased research interest on the role of the police and more specifically on the impact of police strategies and tactics on crowd behaviour.
Such changes in public order policing seem to reflect the increased consideration of an effect of policing and the interactive nature and mutual impact of groups within the police forces.
McPhail, Schweingruber and McCarthy for example, differentiate trends of public order policing that have developed over time.
This approach is described in more detail in the subsequent chapter. With an emphasis on cooperation, the policing incorporated negotiations between police and group leaders about the boundaries of acceptable protest.
This trend however is also seen as related with an increasing use of paramilitary policing tactics in order to maintain public order c.
Considerations about the role and impact of different tactics stirred up a long running debate about the pro and cons of paramilitary tactics between Jefferson and Waddington in the UK Waddington, , , ; Jefferson, , , and have instigated comprehensive research activities on protest policing for example on the adaptation of different styles in Denmark and Sweden c.
Questions on the effects of different policing strategies on crowd behaviour have further been endorsed by research on the policing of football crowds.
Adang and Cuvelier presented a systematic analysis of the impact of different policing strategies on the behaviour of football crowds at one tournament.
During the Euro two different policing styles had been applied. It suggests the open deployment of small surveillance units in regular uniforms, easily approachable and actively contacting fans.
In doing so, the officers should also set behavioural limits and intervene if these limits were exceeded.
If necessary there would be support from decentralised intervention units which were kept away from the street scene for as long as possible.
They were deployed in larger groups, talked a lot with each other and did not actively approach fans.
Also more riot police and vehicles where openly present. The findings suggest a connection between 19 incidents, risk and the style of policing.
While it may be suggested that a high police profile would best prevent violent incident, it turned out that most incidents were incurred at games that had been assessed as posing low risk but that were policed with a high-profile strategy.
In other words, where there was an imbalance between the risk and the policing strategy. This goes along with the assumption of the ESIM that an asymmetry of group relations bears the conditions for conflict.
However, this also suggests that symmetric or legitimate group relations would prevent such a change. Bearing upon this, Stott and Adang examined crowd interaction involving English football supporters at 35 away matches with an international dimension.
With regard to police practice, the understanding of risk as a dynamic element played a crucial role for the relationship of the groups.
This implied the need for dynamic risk assessment during a crowd event, which then allows for targeted and timely interventions.
Their research suggests that legitimate relations facilitated English fans with peaceful intentions and led to selfpolicing, avoidance of conflict and the marginalisation of those who acted against the group norms.
Researching crowd events While, as indicated before, major changes in the world are often associated with crowd action, crowd research plays a more subordinate role in social psychology.
Scientific contributions on collective behaviour are rather found within criminological or sociological frameworks. Reasons for this are rooted in the object of investigation itself.
Bar-Tal criticised that the emphasis on experimentation results in an artificiality of studied social phenomena, as 20 a manipulated context does not reflect the complex situation of reality that may influence human behaviour and narrows down the range of investigated issues.
Often, more attention would be paid on the operationalisation of variables than on the research problems studied. Bar-Tal yet proclaims the necessity of observing real-life situations in order to understand the behaviour of individuals and collectives.
While, as we saw in the previous chapter, crowd theories go back to the 19th century and a lot has been written and published about crowds, his declaration is not unreasonable as it took until the ies for scholars to step out of the ivory tower and actually study the object of research.
The kinds of methods used in crowd research will be subject of the following section. Questionnaires and interviews Post hoc data collection, such as questionnaires or interviews with participants and witnesses may be carried out in order to understand and reconstruct what happened during an event and to be used as a means for data triangulation.
In particular for the study of crowd violence post hoc data collection may be useful as the development of disorder in a natural setting is difficult to predict Vider, The vivid sometimes conflictual course of a crowd event makes it difficult to gather appropriate data and may even put the researcher in danger.
On the other hand it can be possible that participants are engaged in the happenings so that comprehensive interviews are difficult.
Such interviews or questionnaires can be designed using usual social scientific methods. In recent years there is also an increasing use of internet surveys.
Newspaper data analysis A great deal of crowd research relies on the analysis of media, such as newspaper and electronic reports.
The disadvantages of this method refer to the fact that it may contain lopsided views and descriptions.
Their findings show that only 10 percent of the registered events were actually reported and most of the demonstrations have a participation of less than 25 persons, while the likelihood of media coverage was connected with the size of the event.
Conversely, Retzlaff provides an analysis of a overwhelmingly positive media coverage during the World Cup in Germany with regard to the construction of concept of collective German patriotism.
The issue of media influence is also discussed in the empirical papers Paper 2, 3, 4 of this thesis. Seidler, Meyer and Gillivray developed a set of techniques for data gathering among stationary crowds.
Drury and Stott advocate the use of direct, on-the-spot observational strategies for the research of crowd events.
They argue that crowd events are characteristically intergroup encounters, in which there is a mutual influence of the participating parties.
Therefore, in order to understand crowd psychology i. In practical terms, Drury and Stott suggest that the researcher joins with one group, basically becoming an ingroup member and 22 thereby opposing the outgroup.
Advantages are seen in three aspects: Firstly, ingroup members will far more likely be open for interviews and talk about their views and perceptions of a specific situation and their relations to outgroup members and they are more willing to share internal documents and knowledge.
However, taking sides may also mean constrained if not impossible access to the outgroup. Secondly, the quality of data is improved. The final point concerns the data analysis and the question if it is possible to maintain a distance to accounts of in-group participants within a framework of partisan research.
Structured observations Although crowd research activities are to a great deal based on ethnography, some methods have been developed for systematically observing and recording collective action, that transfer the happenings during a crowd event into quantifiable data and thus allow for a statistical comparison of different events.
Schweingruber and McPhail aimed to design a method that records the extent and variation of crowd behaviour, is flexible enough to be used for different types of gatherings and research questions, and is easy to use so that observers can easily be instructed.
The development of the method went along with a conceptual understanding of crowds. The actual data recording is carried out by multiple observers, most of which are undergraduate students that are distributed among the crowd.
Prior to the actual event the observers are given written documentation and a training session that includes information on the specific event and the procedures involved in this method.
During the event the observers fill in a code sheet, recording what is being done collective action can be allocated to 40 different forms and by whom.
As violence involves at least an actor and a target, Adang argues that violent behaviour cannot be understood without considering the interaction between these two parties.
This focus on interaction can be seen as the main difference of this approach to that of Schweingruber and McPhail Variables were drawn from preliminary analyses of a number of real-life situations and video material as well as a literature review on crowd events.
They further had to be easily observable so that they could also be determined by the participants themselves and they had to bear an impact on the situation, for example: the number of people involved, the distance between those involved or the relationship between behaviour and directly preceding events.
Similar to the procedure of Schweingruber and McPhail, the observers receive a comprehensive training, including lectures on the theoretical background, the observation protocol, observation techniques and observation exercises.
The observations at football games cover the time in which most of the fans were present at the venue and in the city centre, generally starting several hours before kick-off and were finished some hours after the game.
The observers were instructed to choose areas where large groups of fans gather, for example at the central station, at squares in the city centre and around the stadia.
Every fifteen minutes a sample is taken on the number and kind of persons e. Police intervention is defined as dispersal, stopping or arrests and it is noted if police had made use of force.
Observers also take notes on their impressions and observations that they made in-between sample time. The systematic observations allow to relate different variables to the number of incidents and to compare results of different events.
Alternative developments of crowd research Impacts of technical development on crowd observations New technological developments and the increased use of internet facilities provide a wide range of data collection around crowd events aside of any planned scientific research design.
Levine ; Economist, took advantage of the multiple display of the CCTV camera surveillance system in Britain to explore the factors that make the presence of bystanders successful or unsuccessful.
The group had gained permission to use the video footage of incidents at public spaces in the night-time-economy that had been recorded within 25 one year between January and February in British towns and cities.
In doing so they were able to study group behaviour in a natural setting that could previously not be tested for either practical or ethical reasons.
The videos had no sound and the persons could not be recognised. Incidents were chosen with regard to certain criteria, such as length of the incident and group size.
A coding scheme was developed that covered the themes of status e. The results suggest that groups spontaneously try to regulate the behaviour of ingroup members and that the prevention of violence increases with group size.
It is argued that such reports would distort and misinterpret the actual happenings and serve as a base for restrictions of liberal human rights and justifications thereof.
In Germany such observations are carried out since the protests against the nuclear plant in Brokdorf Steven, Similar processes can be observed in the context of football: As a reaction to what they felt as illegitimate police conduct some groups of football fans have undertaken own measures for evaluating an event.
The observation activities are not announced and will only be published successive to the respective game. The groups are using field observational methods carried out contemporaneously.
Observations focus on the behaviour of mainly police forces but also on other security staff with football fans.
The observation groups are requested to focus on questions such as: Has the policing been reasonable and proportional in all aspects? Was the behaviour respectful, did the officers introduce themselves, were fans informally addressed on a first name basis.
Did officers act socially sensibly with regard to youngsters? Were there any unreasonable harassments observable?
The reports are published on the internet. Peer review teams An alternative form of evaluating crowd events has lately gained increased interest.
The basic idea of this approach is to bring together public order scientists and police practitioners in the observation of an event.
From to a pilot study involving 13 evaluations was carried out on request of the EU Police Cooperation Working Party. The peer reviews are now part of EU training program for police commanders.
When a peer review is requested, the hosting force is asked to name of number of evaluation points. It is these points that the subsequent evaluation plan is then designed around.
A team of about 5 police commanders is composed and is accompanied by academic staff. A peer review takes three days. On Day 1 the team arrives at the site, familiarises with the infrastructure, makes first contacts with the police forces and other parties that are relevant with regard to the respective event e.
On the basis of the evaluation points the team then agrees on an evaluation plan. On Day 2, the day of the event the team conducts interviews and carries out contemporaneous observations prior, during and after the event.
Day 3 is used for writing up the first draft of the evaluation report, when team members discuss their observations in relation to the respective evaluation points.
The report will be worked out by the academic member of the team and send to the members for a final check up before it is delivered to the requesting force.
The value of this method has different aspects. An important factor lies in the confidentiality of the evaluation and the final report will be the ownership of the requesting force.
The reviewers themselves gained concrete new ideas from their observations and during the discussions with their colleagues.
They also valued the fact that they were able to look at a police operation from the outside. The cooperation of practitioners and scientists helps to break up barriers and to gain more understanding.
Up to date theses evaluations have been carried out mainly in the context of football. Some forces have begun to introduce national peer reviews, some are planning to use peer reviews for the evaluation of 27 the policing of demonstrations.
Along with other models the ESIM draws on interaction, more specifically it suggest that in order to understand the dynamics of a crowd event it is necessary to consider the relations and ongoing interactions between those groups that are present at a specific event.
The ESIM has been developed from - and was validated by a substantial number of studies of crowd events in violent and non-violent situations.
Summarising its basic assumptions the ESIM explains both the escalation and the avoidance of collective conflict as a result of ongoing social relations.
Secondly, the ESIM explains the establishment and maintenance of non-violent norms as a result of legitimate group relations between crowd members and the police, avoiding an identity shift towards conflict.
It is proposed that legitimate group relations are connected with selfpolicing, marginalisation of violent crowd participants, and lack of support for attempts of provocation.
This approach has meanwhile been integrated in practical policing and into guidelines for the policing of football matches with an international dimension within the EU.
Despite this obvious practical relevance, the scientific analyses on crowd dynamics based on the ESIM have only focused on British in particular, English and Scottish crowds so that there were only few theoretical and empirical analyses of how such dynamics apply to crowds from other cultural backgrounds.
Methodical and methodological considerations The methods and analytical strategies of this thesis are determined by the assumptions of the model, so that the respective parties involved and their mutual interaction had to be 29 considered; these are described in more detail in the respective papers.
Furthermore, the research activities were sought to be carried out contemporaneously because the direct observation of - and the participation in a crowd event allows to focus on aspects that are relevant with regard to the theoretical model and it provides for the flexibility that is necessary within such a dynamic framework.
This approach further makes it possible to collect data on reactions and comments of persons that are immediately involved in or subjected by the event; in doing so it is possible to document how perceptions and behaviour relate to a possibly changing context.
Like Bar-Tal has pointed at the difficulties that are imminent in doing research around real life events, similar methodological issues concern this thesis.
The aim of this thesis is therefore not to provide a test of hypotheses. It rather seeks to provide an explorative study and it aims to contribute to the body of research that has up to now been carried out around the ESIM.
While, in a rigorous positivistic sense, this does not serve as a method of gaining new scientific insight, this research seeks to present additional material in order enhance plausibility of this model.
The results can further serve as a hypothesis generating procedure and a base for further research which may be broken down into testable studies.
This main research question was broken into different sub-questions, each of which is presented within an individual research paper.
Paper 1 presents an incident involving German fans during the European Championships While Stott and colleagues , had provided analyses involving England fans this paper seeks to answer the question: Were the processes that the ESIM proposes are responsible for the absence of widespread disorder among England fans also evident among German fans attending the same tournament?
Studies including Paper 1 which explain the shift away from violence mainly refer to the policing that was carried out around the Euro It may be argued, however, that the success of Euro was singular, merely applying to that one event or the specific groups that were present in Portugal during the tournament.
Research was therefore carried out at Germany , focussing on the following questions: Do the relations and the effects that the ESIM suggests also apply in different contexts that may be formed by national or cultural features or by the understandings and philosophies of the police forces?
How do police tactics and deployments relate to the relations between different fan groups and between fans and the police?
Paper 3 presents a case study involving Polish and German fans at the same day. Specifically, the study examines the relation between the policing strategy and tactics and the behaviour and perception of Poland and Germany fans in contexts of risk and non-risk.
As prior to the tournament a substantial number of papers and other media had described Poland fans in a rather negative way, the paper further sought to answer the question: Was the negative image that was portrayed of the Poland fans before the tournament justified and did this have an impact on the relations between the fan groups and the fans and the police?
Paper 4 explores German fan identity at three different tournaments: at the Euro , the WC and the Euro In contrast to previous ESIM research, which describes social change as a result of conflictual group relations, this study examined social change within a peaceful context.
It examines the effects and dynamics of symmetric group relations and in doing so to provide an explanation of why German fans in and subsequently in were empowered to live out their national identity and positive emotions but not so in ?
The actual research activities are presented as single paper publications in scientific journals. The papers are integrated in the following section.
Each paper is preceded by a foreword of the author. It reports on personal impressions and experiences that occurred during the research process and it highlights aspects of the research that seem relevant to this thesis but are not or only briefly mentioned in the actual research paper.
Funding by the ESRC had enabled a comprehensive research design using a variety of methods; most of which were carried out contemporaneously and data triangulation would then provide a rather comprehensive picture of the goings on.
Much of the data that came out of this program has meanwhile been published elsewhere; however, the focus group is English see Reicher et al.